Being Normal: An Investigation into the Causality
of Depression
By Robert Groome
In these series of articles we have begun to address
the problem of normality as itself involved in the causality of depression.
By normal we understand not someone who knows what s/he wants and
follows a process of accumulating wealth and health countering death and insanity,
but that peculiar modern normality discovered by Freud in a society of consumption
where the ego, in its claim to 'good sense' and 'life', becomes auto-destructive
of its health, wealth, and others. Although the clinical problems of the
normal have been long known among psychoanalysts, they are just beginning
to enter into popular psychology: in a new book, The Price of Privilege,
the American psychologist Madeline Levine claims that affluent children,
with parents earning more than $130,000 a year, have "three times the rate
of depression and anxiety disorders as ordinary teenagers, as well as substantially
higher rates of substance abuse, cutting and suicide". The popular psychologist
Oliver James, who is set to publish in January a new book, Affluenza,
about the mental cost of wealth, warns that it is not affluence alone that
"translates into greater happiness or mental health", but the quality of
early parental care. The London Times, psychology investigator John
Cornwall writes:"Depression in children, it is becoming increasingly clear,
is not only a consequence of family dysfunction, marriage break-ups, child
abuse, and combinations of genetic and environmental disadvantage. Depression
can lurk and flourish in the minds of "normal" children whose parents deliver
them to £5,000-a-term day schools in top-of-the-range 4x4s. Childhood
psychological misery can be found in an ambience of back-to-back improving
activities – from flute lessons to tennis training to private maths tuition;
in the pony club and on the junior ski slopes. When such children falter
and fail, turning to forms of self-hatred and self-harm, will their striving,
over-anxious parents wake up to their own failings and inadequacies?"[11/12/06].
No doubt, these short internet articles are not exhaustive,
but can only claim to inform beyond the current confusion reigning on the
subject.
Depression: The Democratic Symptom
The symptom dominating our modern democracies is depression, specifically
manic depression, more commonly known as bi-polar disorder. Suspended
in the oscillation from apathy to impulsiveness, the sadness of being
out of place and out of time, the shame of a liberty which would only
recognize itself in abuse, many have been left fixed in imperatives
to merely calm the symptom through the use of a substance (legal or illegal
medications), forms of relaxation (hot tub therapy, spiritual retreats,
sleep therapy, etc.) or physical doping (spinning, boot camp therapy,
coaching, and so forth). In spite of the tranquility imposed by such
measures, a recent World Health Organization study estimates that over
eleven million people have this illness and concludes that by 2020 the
leading cause of disability and death will be depression. What then, does
contemporary psychoanalysis have to tell us about the ‘illness’ of depression?
And how does its entry into the problem differ from the imperatives
of calm?
Beginning with Freud’s Mourning and Melancholia (1917), psychoanalysis
has taught us to consider that “When in his exacerbation of self
criticism he describes himself as petty, egoist, dishonest, lacking
independence, one whose sole aim has been to hide the weakness of
his own nature, for all we know it may be that he has come very near
to self-knowledge; we only wonder why a man must become ill before he
can discover the truth of this kind.”
Our purpose here is to inform the general public on depression in
a simple presentation that does not vulgarize. We begin by briefly
examining how depression has been medicalized in the psychiatric and
therapeutic literature and to what extent, if at all, such explanations
are adequate. In conclusion, we will introduce a more precise psychoanalytic
explanation that both responds to Freud's pondering on the causality
of depression and indicates a practice that goes beyond the mere management
of symptoms.
Overview of the Psychiatric Explanations
Though related to the ancient term of melancholia (literally meaning
‘black bile’), the modern term, manic depression, was first established
by Emil Kraepelin in a 1913 study which tried to distinguish its
internal causes (largely hereditary) from its external causes (those
acquired by circumstance and cultural influence). The modern revolving
door introduction to depression, and mental illness in general, is
polarized by this opposition of internal and external causes. For if
modern psychiatry defines internal causes as ‘natural’ and the most
fundamental in the explication of depression, it is because the more
a state of grief cannot be put into correspondence with an external
cause (the death of a spouse, the loss of a job, etc.), the more a symptom
becomes incomprehensible. Consequently, what is called major, or clinical
depression, is assumed to be caused by the internal traits of the individual’s
innate biological development. In 1952, an article appeared in The Journal
of Nervous and Mental Disorders postulating that the genetic causes
behind the disorder lie in nature, and that there is the likelihood that
manic depression ran in families already stricken with the disorder. In
1980, bi-polar disorder replaced manic-depressive disorder as the diagnostic
term found in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American
Psychiatric Association (DSM-III).
Without denying the influence of Kraepelin’s research and the psychiatric
tradition in the analysis of depression, neither he, nor psychiatry
can claim to have resolved the problem or produced a cure. They do,
however, give an indication of the direction in which a resolution
may be found — though often without recognizing it. For if it is tempting
for the psychiatrist to make depression correspond to a personality
type — the depressive constitution as it is determined by heredity
for example — one must not forget the extremely problematic value of
such definitions. Indeed, if innate genetic differences are incontestable,
in the last analysis they cannot be admitted as what determines a particular
constitution until they are integrated as a function of the individual’s
experience and education. Does it then become a question of leaving room
for other causes of depression — cultural influences for example — which
complement and modify the fundamental constitution of the individual as
it is defined in terms of genetics and neurophysiology? Or again, is it a
question of complementing a treatment of depression by referral to a psychotherapist
who would then use myth and suggestion to educate and modify the personality
of the individual after it has been primarily defined in psychiatric terms?
Introduction to a Psychoanalytic Theory
Psychoanalytically speaking, the answer to both of these questions
is no, for it is not a question of determining the proportion by
which natural or cultural influences cause depression. Neither is
it a question of abandoning those searching for an answer to their
questions to the circular responses of psychiatry and therapy. On the
contrary, it is a question of recognizing to what degree the causes of
depression are completely lacking in reference to an internal innate
nature or an external acquired culture.
Beginning with the work of Abraham (1911), Freud (1917), and Melanie
Klein (1935), the causality of depression was discovered as not
resulting from an exterior reality, as psychiatry had already observed.
Rather such exterior causes, such as the loss of a loved one or a
job, only produce states of mourning which are, properly speaking,
not to be confused with melancholia or depression. Yet, unlike psychiatry,
psychoanalysis did not postulate that the cause of clinical depression
was due to an interior natural cause either — that is, a hereditary trait
or chemical imbalance. On the contrary, depression resulted in the impossibility
of referring to exterior cultural influences as well as the interior
natural ones — an impossibility which lead Freud to postulate that this
internal loss is unconscious and has its origin in fantasy.
This early discovery of the discontinuity of the
representational space of nature and culture is not so odd, in fact
it is a rediscovery of the apparent absurdity of anything called
a ‘mental disorder’ — the strange apparition of crying for no reason,
sleeping when one is not tired, waking up when one is; eating when one
is not hungry, starving oneself when one is, and so forth. It is in beginning
to listen to these symptoms, and not simply in suppressing them, that
psychoanalysis founded a new place for the treatment of depression —
a clinic, which would not reduce its theory or practice to that of the
hospitals or asylums.
Psychoanalytically speaking, a clinic discovers that the cause of
depression does not correspond to the rupture of a continuous development
of the individual, but in a rupture, pure and simple, of any attempt
at comprehending or representing it. A psychoanalytic theory of this
pure rupture is not, however, as paradoxical as it sounds, as it confirms
the common and pre-scientific idea that depression, and mental disorders
in general, deviate from the norms of everyday understanding and appear
‘cracked’ or irrational. Psychoanalysis does not attempt to understand
depression, nor does it try to cure it by presupposing a norm — a socialized
and functional nature — which existed before the outbreak of the illness
and which it hopes will return as the result of the treatment. On the
contrary, psychoanalysis explains a discontinuity that is constantly
misunderstood in diagnosing symptoms, a discontinuity that has a specific
causality irreducible to a deviation from the norm of nature or culture.
Further still, psychoanalysis has shown, since Freud, that to avoid listening
to and working with this discontinuity by negating the symptom risks throwing
the baby out with the bathwater.
Problems with the Current Approaches
One then, may begin to recognize the psychoanalyst’s critique of
any treatment which would merely seek to reduce depression to a
chemical imbalance or attempt to cover over a void of desire through
the use of drugs and suggestion. Indeed, in attempting to trivialize
a reading of the symptom, either by ‘calming’ or ‘enhancing’ the mood
of the subject, such therapies are forced to import characteristics
into a treatment which oddly begins to resemble the very symptoms of
depression and mania they are attempting to cure. For if in a more naïve
time the individual romanticized depression by joining the French foreign
legion, practicing Zen, or going on jungle safaris, with the invention
of modern designer drugs such as Prozac, one is left in a void of desire
maintained in a technological imperative ‘to be calm’. A treatment which
itself results in manic depression — or at the limit, begins to induce
psychotic episodes — is an indication that the problem is wrongly formulated
in the first place. Thus the sterility of a search to explain the causality
of manic depression, or any other mental disorder, through the circularity
of what is a natural or cultural cause. By systematically trivializing
the singularity and discontinuity of the symptom to the same biological
entity one shares with every other John Doe, then assimilating it to a
cultural identity which tries to dramatize the individual’s difference
in a few archetypal myths (the child within you, the artist you are, your
Buddha nature, etc.), an effective entry into the causality of depression
is avoided at the moment it claims to calm.
Being abandoned at the serene divide between nature and culture
— between psychiatric pharmacology and psychotherapy — results in the production
of two groups in the consumption of the cure: (1) those with a negative
reaction to treatment, who have been left in a depressive therapy,
and have resigned themselves to a disbelief in getting any help whatsoever;
and (2) those with a positive reaction to treatment, who, by covering
over and calming the discontinuity of the symptom through the use
of drugs, relaxation techniques, and suggestion, have succeeded in
maintaining their job, educational, or familial relations — yet at
the price of conforming to a reduced form of reality bordering on
induced psychosis. It is this latter ‘successful but psychotic treatment’
which is the most difficult to analyze insofar as a proper definition
of a psychotic structure is not merely, or even fundamentally, a form
of mental illness found behind asylum walls, but includes modern forms
of ‘hyper-normality’ and ‘hyper-functionality’ which are typically fragile
and disintegrative. Witness the panoply of so-called ‘mindless’ and ‘irrational’
crimes plaguing our modern societies, presumably committed by normal
people — police assisted suicide, psychiatric assisted suicide/homicide,
exam suicide, suburban school murders, road rage, etc. Without denying
the effectivity a drug may have in calming the subject, or the consequence
an anthem or myth may have in leading one into a normative identification
with the group, or even, the inadequacy any of this may have in a cure
— the question of a true theory of manic depression and the causality
of desire lies elsewhere.
Misunderstanding Depression
In reformulating the problem as laid out by psychiatry, psychoanalysis
does not discount that there is an interior organic origin to the
symptoms of depression. On the contrary, it agrees that nature can
be used to justify all those internal causes of grief that do not
appear to have an external or circumstantial cause. Neither does psychoanalysis
claim that exterior cultural influences cannot modify the instincts,
as there is a reactional structure to the natural instinct which has
the potential to educate. However, psychoanalysis also recognizes
that nature and culture have always been used to fantasize origins,
or to originate fantasies, which go beyond their strictly biological
or sociological function.
The position of psychoanalysis consists initially in introducing
the patient’s speech and thoughts into the analytical situation,
not merely as someone being observed and judged, but as observing,
judging, and indeed, fantasizing. In analysis properly speaking, there
are no patients or clients, only psychoanalysts and analysands. Moreover,
from the viewpoint of language, they both are on the same side of
the wall: the fantasies, symptoms, and transfers of the analyst are
never neutral in this regard. As a consequence, an initial response
to the question of whether the cause of depression is natural or cultural
becomes clear insofar as such explanations amount to the same thing: they
are both incomprehensible and incongruous to the personality of the
individual who is depressed. What does the patient really understand
when told by a psychiatrist that they have a “hard-wired genetic disease”
and are then told by a psychotherapist that “their child within” is
trying to realize a new form of self-expression? The reasons for this
obscurantism are complex, but can be stated briefly in an abbreviated
form. The psychiatric explication occupies and silences the body of
the patient through a hypothesis of biological heredity bordering on
a fantasy, just as in psychotherapy the patient’s mind is said to be
occupied with irrational thoughts and deeds through a hypothesis (whether
by therapist or patient is inconsequential) of a cultural heredity bordering
on fantasy. In both cases, the subject is inhabited by an incomprehensible
other, while his or her speech, as instructive as it is in directing
the cure beyond the fantasy, goes unaddressed or is merely reduced to
that of a suggestion.
In beginning to listen to the fantasy and determine its
causality in the production of the symptom — its mis-comprehensions,
debilitations, and mis-recognitions — psychoanalysis introduced a
more true theory of depression; one in which the modern individual
emerges not as the object of a technological application, but as the
subject of this discontinuity and its fantasies. Instead of adopting
a continuous notion of the development whereby the individual is both
presumed to be genetically predisposed to adapt to its natural environment
and socially predisposed to adapt to its social surroundings, psychoanalysis
reveals how the individual is predisposed to neither: rather, that there
is a natural biological mis-adaptation and a cultural reaction inherent
to the human subject which is covered over in a fantasy. Unlike an animal,
for whom the biological type and instinct suffices to integrate it into
its environment, the identity of the human individual is in conflict
with its species and instinct, views it as an imposed constraint, and
reacts against the type with a fantasy. Further still, for human nature
a symbol is not merely a contingent cultural acquisition, but something
innately acquired : a representative of the drive (not an
instinct) that is necessary to the well-being of the subject. The difficulties
of the current depressive treatments stem from trying to simultaneously
reduce the individual to an innate biological entity and an acquired cultural
identity, while mis-recognizing an analysis of what is crucial to the
subject: a construction of the drives and the
innately acquired.
The difference between a continuous thesis that identifies the individual
with an innate biological entity (psychiatry) and acquired cultural
virtualities (therapies), and a discontinuous one that explains a
biological and cultural lack as what is innately acquired by
the modern subject is crucial to a psychoanalytic clinic of depression.
For psychoanalysis reveals how the human subject is not only maladapted
to its nature, but is depressed by cultural identities and norms that
attempt to repair it. By foregrounding the innately acquired,
psychoanalysis replaces a theory of abnormality (such as psychiatric
theories of the ‘depressive personality’) with a theory of the drives
and desire. The stability of desire is unquestionably involved in the
establishment of a position (that of mother or father, for example),
but the connection between the subject and the world is not simply a question
of 'reality', but a question of a 'normativity' : not merely in the
sense of a cultural norm (expressed as a bourgeois family, for instance),
but in the sense of a symbolic law (such as one expressed in a system
of kinship or language). Indeed, one of the most depressive representations
of a symbolic position is to consider it in terms of cultural ‘role
models’ — the artist, successful businessman, sports figure, war hero,
working mother, and so forth — all of which reduce the problem of the
stabilization of desire to fantasy. For instance, one need only think
of the depression encountered by an aspiring art student who, upon graduating
from art school, finds he must wait tables or compromise his desire in
the business of art to earn a living; or the young woman who aspires to
be the bride of a Mr. Marvelous, only to learn after some years of marriage
that he has become a so-and-so, and she must reinvent or imagine a Mr.
Marvelous number two; or the woman who, in the lack of family recognition,
strives to be recognized as someone in the business world, only to find
her career success has compromised her position as a mother. It is not only
that the subject is irreducible to the biological type, but that the moment
the subject has been identified with a cultural role, it has essentially
been mis-recognized, for in reducing a symbolic function to a mere cultural
model one simultaneously introduces a fantasy and a prospective depression
in its place.
Psychoanalysis constructs a clinic whose logic is robust enough
to analyze what is normally kept apart — innate and acquired, nature and
culture, interior and exterior — thereby adhering to its clinical findings,
and not to the preconceptions of the natural and human sciences. Indeed,
should this real and symbolic not be given an adequate place or clinic, or
should their discontinuity be constantly assimilated to fantasies of nature
and culture, then one is dealing with a structure which is itself un-sane.
The Reality of Depression
We are now in a position to begin to respond to Freud's question
as to why the truth revealed by a depressive symptom can induce
illness.
Before responding however, one should recognize that psychoanalysis
does not reduce psychic suffering to an unreal mental symptom or
imaginary effect of a natural or cultural cause. Consequently, depression
is not considered a myth or psychosomatic illness, but something very
real. Yet, the discovery that this reality does not exist in nature
either, but engages a properly psychic reality — a fantasy, hallucination,
delirium, and so forth — in isolating a particularly psychoanalytic
conception of causality.
By implication, psychoanalysis shows that what is referred to as
'mental' cannot be reduced to an imaginary psychological introspection
or a real psychiatric observation of a brain scan, but is itself
an event having its own causality and reality. Indeed, the fundamental
psychoanalytic rule of 'free association' has the effect of establishing
a place for the interpretation of psychic causality by bracketing not
only a reference to nature or culture, but also the sensible reflections
of the speaking being. In examining depression the same bracketing occurs:
the loss of work, friendship, health, or sexuality, caused by a depression
does not fundamentally indicate the failure of the individual to achieve
a norm of nature or culture but reveals a real discontinuity in regard
to this norm. Clinically speaking, in psychoanalysis a real cause is no
longer the silent cause following the laws of nature or codes of culture,
but a cause which is actually written through symptoms according to something
like the laws of language. To determine this causality is not to try
make sense out of the symptom through the mere use of metaphor and
myth, as psychotherapy might, but to construct a nonsense revealing a problem
of identity and difference. Who is writing or trying to speak in a depression?
What is being expressed when a six year old threatens to cut hereself,
or the ego in general discovers a sense of self only in disintegrating ?
Let us agree to call a symptom what figures this difference of
identity. Consequently, a manic-depressive symptom emerges in scenes
where the emperor discovers he " has no clothes" – instead of giving
place to this loss of identity and the imaginary it implies, the common mistake
is to view the problem as nothing more than a socio-biological difference:
a 'hyper-active' child, 'mid-life crisis', an 'out of placeness', an
'out of time and out of mind' . Such normative classifications
only identifies this difference – or symptom – as an 'exception to
the rule' and in comparison with the norms of 'others' without giving a place
to the symptom as such. Consequently, psychoanalysis opens the question
differently: how does one recognize an emergence of Difference without having
it systematically trivialized and assimilated to the Same ? What is
the necessity for the recognition of a pure Difference – and the anxiety
it provokes – that would not be reduced to the differences of the group ?
How can we construct a place of the subject that would not be confuse
its desire with a deviance from a conception of Man ?
That it would be possible to construct a fantasy and a void
of desire seriously, and not merely as a rupture of the ideals of nature
or culture, is the first step in acknowledging the reality of a depressive
structure clinically. For, if there is a reality to depression itself,
if it is a psychic event that has its own structure and truth, then it becomes
necessary to isolate the causality of its Difference in a way that is less
scientifically and moralistically severe than assimilating it to the norms
of the group. Indeed, in order to make a progess psychoanalysis
gives the symptom a place and makes room for a practice that is uniquely
constructed to listen and construct what is singular to its subject
– without trivializing either the speech or language of the individual to
the prejudgements of normative behavior.
In order to follow this questioning, psychoanalysis not only separates
the real of the subject from its biology, but the symbolic of the
subject from culture, and, in this clearing, discovers a reality of
psychic suffering which is the incontestable place of the psychoanalytic
clinic. It is precisely in the promotion of the autonomous individual
“free, but alone” that the modern subject is left 'ill' not because the
manic-depressive alternates between a fantasist or negative relation
to nature or culture, but because the psychic reality that such fantasies
and loss reveal goes unaddressed and is constantly reduced to a mere disorder
of the individual in relation to the norm — the losses of sleep, concentration,
sexual or family relations, eating, and so forth.
A psychoanalysis of the causality of depression, then, is not an
explanation of the genesis of a positive individual which then exhibits
negative symptoms, but the examination of its inherent reality —
the discontinuity it reveals in the real, symbolic, and imaginary
formations of the individual. That manic-depression would be one
reactional mode (paranoia, neurosis, and perversion are others) of
accounting for this discontinuity attests to the need for a more robust
research into these structures. By rethinking the relation between
nature and culture and the negativity that separates them from the psyche
of the modern subject, psychoanalysis restores an analysis of depression
to its proper dimensions. What is real in manic depression is not merely
a physical cause, and what is symbolic is not merely a cultural influence,
just as what is fantasy is not merely the imagination of the individual.
Consequently, one discovers the numerous possible misunderstandings
of the reality of depression and the need to situate its causality in a
way that does not reduce it to a mere 'illness' or 'ab-normality'.
From Meta-Analysis to Meta-Psychology: Redefining the Problem
Today, the misunderstanding of depression and the burgeoning deficit
of its treatment costs our mental-health care systems forty-four
billion dollars a year (per a 1990 World Health Organization study).
Our democratic leaders have attempted a meta-analysis of the
problem in an effort to bring together the best various therapies have
to offer: psychodynamic, cognitive, psychiatric, behavioral, and spiritual
healing; each with their own empirical or cultural agendas, their risks,
and each either dismissing the evidence of the other or claiming to
complement what the other fails to treat. More productively, one can
begin in the manner of Freud with a meta-psychology that...
[To be continued]
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